Avainsana: review article

femcel, femcelcore, incel, online communities, Reddit, online discussions

Ada Jussila
adajussila [a] gmail.com
MA, Digital Culture
University of Turku

How to cite: Jussila, Ada. 2025. “Irony, Exclusion, and Community – Femcel Identities and Community Dynamics on Reddit”. WiderScreen Ajankohtaista 16.4.2025. https://widerscreen.fi/numerot/ajankohtaista/irony-exclusion-and-community—femcel-identities-and-community-dynamics-on-reddit/

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The Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail provides a nuanced perspective on the construction and expression of femcel identity within a digital environment. Two coexisting identity models emerge: traditional femcelhood, rooted in perceived physical and social exclusion, and second-wave femcelhood, shaped by mental health narratives and the aesthetic of femcelcore. The community constructs belonging through irony, affect, and visual symbolism, while simultaneously enforcing boundaries through gatekeeping practices. Its ambivalent relationship with men is articulated via ironic misandry, reflecting the tensions of heteronormative expectations. Ultimately, femcelhood within this context emerges as a fluid, affective, and aestheticized identity shaped by digital culture.

Introduction

Online environments and social media platforms function as spaces where individuals can construct, modify, and challenge their identities. The femcel subculture emerged online, where women who identify as femcels share experiences of involuntary celibacy—namely romantic and sexual exclusion—as well as feelings of marginalization. Although the term originated in male-dominated incel communities, femcel spaces have evolved into their own subcultural domain, where irony, collective emotional processing, and distinctive digital aesthetics are closely interwoven.

In this review article, I explore the construction of identities and community dynamics within the Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail. The article is based on my master’s thesis, “I know I’m pretty, but I have the femcel mindset”: The Construction of Identity and Dynamics in the Femcel Community (Jussila 2025), in which I analyze how community members understand their own identities, what kind of dynamics shape the group, and how they express views about men.

Johanssen and Kay (2024) have divided the femcel subculture into two main currents: traditional femcels and second-wave femcels (femcel 2.0). Traditional femcel identity is rooted in experiences of exclusion based primarily on physical appearance, whereas second-wave femcels define themselves through mental health narratives, ironic self-expression, and aesthetic modes of communication. In my thesis, I demonstrate that both forms of femcel identity coexist and intersect within the r/femcelgrippysockjail community. The result is a unique space where diverse femcel identities and modes of expression converge.

The study material consists of comments and discussion posts published within the community. The research method follows Braun and Clarke’s (2006) model of thematic analysis, supplemented by netnography, which served both as an inspiration and methodological approach.

Theoretical Background of the Femcel Discourse

The examination of the femcel discourse is grounded in the broader concept of “incel” (involuntary celibate), which refers to individuals who perceive themselves as living in involuntary celibacy. Although the term is gender-neutral, it has become primarily associated with men, and communities formed around it have garnered significant attention due to associations with violence, misogyny, and radicalization (Evans & Lankford 2024, 917). The term “femcel”, on the other hand, refers to women who feel excluded from sexual and romantic relationships against their will. Compared to male incels, femcels have been studied far less extensively, as the femcel subculture has not been linked to similar societal threats as the male incel culture (Kay 2022).

Femcel identity is a relatively new digital subculture that emerged as a distinct community in 2018 with the creation of the Reddit community r/TruFemcels. This community explicitly distanced itself from male incel culture, particularly from its misogynistic and anti-feminist tendencies (Kay 2022). Within the femcel subculture, however, several divergent currents can be observed. Johanssen and Kay (2024) categorize femcels into two main groups: traditional femcels and second-wave femcels. Traditional femcel identity is rooted in experiences of romantic and sexual rejection, which are perceived to result from one’s perceived unattractiveness and the constraints of societal beauty hierarchies. In contrast, second-wave femcels define femcelhood through psychological struggles, personality traits, and the aesthetic and ironic expression known as femcelcore.

The femcelcore aesthetic is characterized by representations of alienation, toxic femininity, and dissociation, often communicated through memes and TikTok videos. What matters is not only the aesthetic itself, but the affective message it conveys—often serious, but visually playful. This resigned stance toward gendered disappointments is described by Johanssen and Kay (2024) with the concept of heteronihilism.

Interactions within femcel communities give rise to various dynamics that shape both internal relationships and attitudes toward men. One central concept is ironic misandry, which refers to exaggerated, satirical statements about men — often blending feminist critique with humor (Ging 2017, 640–641). Such memes and discussions provide ways to process frustration, while also fostering a sense of community. According to Vaahensalo (2021, 3), othering in online discourse functions as a tool through which internal differences within a community are structured into oppositional categories — for example, traditional and second-wave femcels may depict one another as outsiders in relation to what is considered “authentic” femcelhood. The community’s internal dynamics can also be analyzed through Hunnicutt’s (2009) theory of patriarchy. Hunnicutt emphasizes patriarchy as a mutable and context-dependent structure of power that shapes gender roles and defines feminine value through appearance, desirability, and relationship status. In femcel communities, these norms are frequently questioned—though often through resignation rather than resistance.

Research Material and Methods

The research material is drawn from the Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail, an active subreddit primarily focused on femcel-related topics. The community was established on May 25, 2023, and at the time of data collection, it had approximately 49,000 members. Reddit is a social media platform where content is organized into topic-specific discussion forums known as subreddits. Users operate through pseudonymous profiles, enabling the sharing of personal and sensitive experiences. The structure of Reddit has been shown to support the formation of subcultural identities (Massanari 2015).

The data was collected between November 11, 2024, and February 13, 2025. It consists of 395 comments and 17 discussion posts, which primarily include memes, images, and text-based thread starters. The subreddit’s name, “grippy sock jail”, is a humorous reference to psychiatric care or hospitalization (Urban Dictionary) and reflects the community’s characteristic ironic approach to mental health struggles and femcel identity. The aesthetic of the posts is influenced by Japanese popular culture, particularly so-called yandere characters, which convey intense, even chaotic emotional expression (Kotaku 20.8.2013).

The study is qualitative and combines a netnographic approach with thematic analysis. Netnography serves in this research both as a source of inspiration and as a methodological framework, particularly in the context of fieldwork conducted on Reddit. While the analysis follows the principles of thematic analysis as outlined by Braun and Clarke (2006), the research approach is also informed by Turtiainen and Östman’s (2013) “researcher’s roadmap,” which frames the internet as simultaneously an object, source, tool, and environment of research. This highlights the researcher’s responsibility and the need for ongoing reflection on the ethical sustainability of the study (Turtiainen & Östman 2013). The research was conducted through passive observation — without interaction with community members — following the example of Vainikka (2019) in her study on misogyny in the Finnish imageboard Ylilauta. This distant observer role helped preserve the authenticity of the material and supported the ethical integrity of the study.

The data was analyzed using the model of thematic analysis developed by Braun and Clarke (2006). In this method, recurring patterns of meaning are identified and coded into themes. A deductive analytical approach was used, where the analysis was partially guided by theoretical frameworks but remained open to data-driven insights. The thematic focus was placed on the construction of femcel identities, the community’s internal dynamics, and gendered discourse. Throughout the analysis, the researcher actively reflected on their own positionality and its influence on the interpretive process (Braun & Clarke 2021).

Identities in the Community

Within the Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail, two distinct forms of femcel identity appear side by side: traditional femcels and second-wave femcels. These identities differ in how femcelhood is described, processed, and presented. Traditional femcels are characterized by earnest and serious sharing of personal experiences, while second-wave femcels have adopted an ironic and aesthetic approach.

Traditional femcel identity is grounded in narratives of rejection linked to physical appearance and social failures. Text-based discussions frequently contain expressions of feeling unattractive, lacking social skills, and being trapped in an unchanging life. These posts convey a strong sense that one’s exclusion from relationships and societal acceptance is permanent — that social marginalization is irreversible (Johanssen & Kay 2024, 13–14). This identity is underpinned by a belief in a rigid appearance-based hierarchy that excludes certain women entirely from romantic and sexual opportunities. A pervasive sense of failure is shared through confessional statements such as “I would literally do anything to just have a man go on a date with me” or “boys’ standards for girls are incredibly high and barely any boys care about personality, they all just want pretty girls.” Through this, a shared melancholic atmosphere is created, where feelings of rejection and exclusion are mutually reinforced (Kay 2022, 4–5).

Second-wave femcels represent a newer generation of femcel identity, where the focus is less on physical unattractiveness and more on expressing femcelhood through aesthetic, ironic, and humorous means. Johanssen and Kay (2024, 14–16) describe this orientation as femcelcore, which draws inspiration from sad girl culture, girlhood, the mentalcel narrative, and Japanese popular culture. Femcelcore posts are primarily visual in nature, including memes and TikTok videos, combining exaggerated emotional expression, vulnerability, and self-deprecating humor.

According to Bergeron-Stokes (2023), the style of femcelcore memes is built around a recognizable “quirky” aesthetic, sad girl symbolism, and affective experientiality. These visual representations explore themes of alienation, loneliness, and failed romantic experiences, often through a lens of aesthetic playfulness and irony. While the memes are often visually striking, their power lies in their emotional resonance and relatability. Johanssen and Kay (2024) describe femcelcore as a form of curated emptiness — an attempt to shape disappointment, nihilism, and affective alienation into a shareable experience through aesthetic means.

Memes and images frequently feature messy “vibes”, daily life spent in front of a computer, themes related to mental health struggles, and characters drawn from Japanese popular culture — particularly, in this community, the yandere-type female characters from Tatsuki Fujimoto’s Chainsaw Man series (see Figure 1). Yandere characters are loving but obsessive and even violent, and within the community they are admired as symbols of unstable, norm-defying femininity. The purpose of femcelcore representations is not to depict individuals’ realities literally, but rather to create a shared aesthetic language for expressing femcelhood — playfully, but with a serious undertone (Glamour 1.3.2023; Metro 20.3.2022).

Femcelcore content blends visual aesthetics with emotionally heavy themes, such as mental health and experiences of social exclusion. In Figure 2, a soft, pink aesthetic is juxtaposed with a stark phrase about hiding a body, creating an ironic and conflicting impression. These kinds of contrasts are characteristic of femcelcore: they combine pastel-toned, soft (girlhood-themed) visuals with text referencing violence, obsession, and vulnerability. Johanssen and Kay (2024), along with Bergeron-Stokes (2023), describe this approach as “vibes”, where visuality becomes a way to process emotions and challenge cultural norms of femininity.

Community Dynamics: Identification and Opposition

A sense of community within r/femcelgrippysockjail is primarily built through identification. Members share common experiences, values, and identity-related traits, which strengthens their sense of belonging. On social media platforms like Reddit, this identification manifests through the offering of peer support and the recognition of shared experiences, which in turn helps alleviate feelings of loneliness (Naslund et al. 2016, 113–122). Within the community, identification is especially evident through commenting and upvoting posts. Simple comments such as “Literally me” express strong identification with the content of a post. This phrase frequently signals that members perceive the emotions and experiences described by others as reflections of their own.

Identification within the community is also reinforced visually, particularly through the replication of meme trends. For example, images of messy bedrooms became a trend, and sharing such images served as a symbolic expression of communal identification and shared experiences. Figure 3, depicting a messy room with the r/femcelgrippysockjail subreddit visible on the computer screen, creates a meta-level reference to the community and highlights the individual’s commitment to it. Humorous elements, such as the use of a body pillow as a boyfriend substitute, further communicate shared understandings of loneliness and the inaccessibility of romantic relationships.

According to Naslund et al. (2016, 113–122), the peer support offered by online communities is particularly valuable for individuals struggling with mental health issues or social exclusion. Online interaction removes the barriers of face-to-face communication and provides a safe and anonymous space for sharing sensitive experiences. Platforms like Reddit allow for both active participation and passive content consumption, thereby accommodating users’ individual needs and enhancing their sense of agency.

While community built through identification offers many benefits, such as empowerment and a reduction of stigma, it also carries risks. Echo chamber and filter bubble effects can reinforce one-sided worldviews and limit exposure to diverse perspectives. These dynamics have been especially significant in male incel communities, where they have contributed to radicalization and extreme behavior (Bright 2018, 17–33; Pariser 2011, 215–217; Sugiura 2021, 13). In femcel communities, however, no signs of radicalization or violent action have been observed, even though expressions of frustration or hostility occasionally emerge (Evans & Lankford 2024, 923–929).

Beyond shared identification, the community dynamic is also shaped by strong internal divisions, as members continuously negotiate the meaning and boundaries of femcel identity. Second-wave femcels broaden the concept of femcelhood beyond appearance-based definitions to include psychological and social difficulties, as well as the associated “vibes”. However, this perspective is met with criticism from more traditional femcels, who feel that the misuse of the femcel label threatens its original meaning. Through gatekeeping, they attempt to exclude those whose experiences do not align with the idea of involuntary celibacy caused by perceived unattractiveness. These debates revolve around who qualifies as a “real” femcel and who is entitled to use the term for themselves. For example, Figure 4 features a meme that comments on how “average” women, who fail to find a partner due to overly high standards, are co-opting the femcel label — while the truly marginalized members of the community are ignored.

This internal split can be understood as a form of othering within online discourse. According to Vaahensalo (2021), othering in online conversations refers to discursive practices that define certain groups as outsiders in relation to an in-group identity. While othering typically targets those outside the community, in this case it occurs internally: traditional femcels position second-wave femcels as “others” who do not fully share the same experiences or interpretations of femcelhood. This “us versus them” dynamic is common in the discourse of marginalized groups and serves as a way to define internal group identity and belonging—even on anonymous platforms like Reddit (Vaahensalo 2021, 3).

How Femcels Express Views About Men

In the r/femcelgrippysockjail community, expressions of attitudes toward men are layered and emotionally complex, oscillating between desire, hostility, and obsessive intrigue. A recurring pattern is the performative contradiction inherent in heteronormative relationships — femcels often articulate both a yearning for romantic connection and deep-seated frustration with men. These tensions are most commonly expressed through memes and comments infused with irony, sarcasm, and absurdist humor. For instance, one widely shared meme shows a woman lying beside a man while typing on her phone: “I hate men #misandrist.” This captures the duality many femcels express — the ability to simultaneously resent and desire men, often wrapped in a tone of self-aware contradiction.

These expressions reflect the concept of heteronihilism as described by Johanssen and Kay (2024, 13–14), in which heterosexuality is seen as a (partially compulsory) system (see Rich 1980) that is difficult to detach from, even though it involves disappointment and inequality (Walby 1990, 87). Within the community’s discussions, this is evident in comments where users express a wish not to feel attracted to men, or voice frustration and even hatred toward men while simultaneously acknowledging persistent sexual desire. Statements like “You can desire men without liking them or wanting to be around them”, “I would sacrifice my soul to never be attracted to men…” and “I mean, I can hate men and still like dicks, what’s the problem? Let us be silly” illustrate this ambivalence, where longing and resistance exist side by side.

In this context, ironic misandry functions as a collective outlet for these contradictory emotions, providing the community with a safe way to express frustration and disappointment (Ging 2017, 640–641; Ringrose & Lawrence 2018, 687–688; Powell & Henry 2017, 24–43). These tensions can also be examined through Hunnicutt’s (2009, 558–565) theory of patriarchy, which defines patriarchy not as a fixed or clearly bounded system, but as an evolving process in which power manifests in diverse ways — including through the active participation of women. This perspective helps explain why femcel communities may simultaneously express patriarchal thinking and feminist-tinged critique that challenges those very structures.

Hunnicutt’s (2009, 558–565) theory of patriarchy, which emphasizes patriarchy as a dynamic and context-dependent system, helps to illuminate this interplay. Power in these communities is not static; it is negotiated, resisted, and sometimes even internalized. Femcel discourse reflects this tension: expressions of frustration with men can coexist with internalized patriarchal logics, even as the community articulates its own distinct language of dissent.

Disagreements within the subreddit also emerge around how to express views about men “correctly” or in a way that reflects “authentic” femcelhood. Some members express deep pain and longing for companionship, while others reject heteroromantic intimacy outright, citing distrust and past trauma. These differing expressive stances often lead to debates about whether seeking connection constitutes weakness or self-betrayal. In one long thread, users argued whether desiring a relationship is compatible with self-respect, or whether true femcels should embrace solitude as a protective choice.

A distinctive linguistic feature within these expressions is the term moid — a deliberately dehumanizing label for men, adapted from male incel communities’ use of foid (female humanoid). It reduces men to base biological entities, stripping away emotional depth. Comments like “I would never lay with a moid, women are for love, moids are for children and nothing else” demonstrate a symbolic distancing of emotional intimacy from men, re-centering women as the true subjects of love. Yet even here, tone matters: such statements are often marked by intentional exaggeration, irony, or deadpan humor designed to provoke, unsettle, or amuse — rather than to incite.

Altogether, the ways femcels express views about men in this community are saturated with emotional complexity, stylistic play, and cultural critique. Irony, contradiction, and meme aesthetics allow users to externalize personal frustrations while building a collective affective vocabulary — one that comments on gendered expectations while remaining self-aware of its own contradictions.

Criticism of men is also expressed through the community’s meme culture. In Figure 5, a meme suggests that playing video games is “female trait,” while encouraging men to build houses or go to war instead. This kind of content functions as a humorous counterimage to traditional masculine expectations, offering a playful critique of those norms. The irony and exaggeration present in such memes should not be interpreted as straightforward man-hating, but rather as a way of processing frustration with patriarchal power structures and their associated gender roles (Rivera & Scholar 2019, 1–9).

Nerd culture and video gaming — frequent subjects of this meme-based critique — are closely linked to second-wave femcels and the femcelcore aesthetic (Johanssen & Kay 2024, 9–11). These memes can also be read as critical reflections on gaming culture itself, especially its gendered structures and the marginalization, suspicion, and misogyny often directed toward women within those spaces (Massanari 2017, 334–337).

Overall, femcels’ expressions of attitudes toward men are not simple or uniform, but rather layered, emotionally charged, and stylistically diverse. Community discourse constantly navigates the tensions between personal desire, heteronormative expectations, and larger cultural power structures. In this context, ironic misandry serves both as a coping mechanism and as a form of feminist critique — enabling community members to process anxiety and frustration, while searching for meaning in their lived experiences.

Conclusions

The Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail offers a unique perspective on how femcel identity is constructed and experienced within a digital space. During the period of analysis, two distinct yet coexisting forms of femcelhood stood out: traditional femcel and second-wave femcel identities. These approaches reflect parallel — but at times conflicting — interpretations of what it means to be a femcel, visible both in visual representations and in member interactions.

Traditional femcel identity is rooted in the belief that rejection stems from physical appearance and social inadequacies, perceived as irreversible and fated. In contrast, second-wave femcels define their identity through mental health narratives, emotional expression, and the femcelcore aesthetic. Femcelcore draws from influences such as sad girl culture, the visual language of girlhood, Japanese popular culture, and the aesthetics of dissociation. As a result, femcelhood becomes not only a personal experience but also a shared emotional expression and visual language.

What unites the community is a strong sense of identification, built especially around memes, irony, and humor. Simple reactions or visual elements — such as messiness or distinctive “vibes” — convey affective communal belonging. At the same time, the community displays intense gatekeeping: traditional femcels seek to maintain strict boundaries around who can claim the identity, resisting broader interpretations that might include conventionally attractive women or those who voluntarily withdraw from romantic relationships. This internal opposition can be understood through the concept of othering in online discourse, where group boundaries are drawn and negotiated through interaction.

The community’s relationship to men is emotionally complex and marked by contradiction. Expressions range from longing and vulnerability to resentment and resignation. Ironic misandry serves as a coping mechanism to process this tension and navigate the pressures of heteronormative expectations. Johanssen and Kay’s (2024) concept of heteronihilism is particularly relevant here: romantic relationships are no longer fully believed in, yet not entirely abandoned either. Femcelcore enables the exploration of this emotional spectrum through aesthetics and humor, offering a space to challenge and reimagine cultural norms.

Ultimately, femcel identity and culture are not static, but in constant flux. Femcelhood cannot be reduced to a single dimension; rather, it is shaped by a fusion of lived experience, aesthetics, irony, and emotion—a new kind of female identity shaped by the digital age.

References

All links verified 16.4.2025.

Research Material

The primary research material consists of posts from the Reddit community r/femcelgrippysockjail, including 17 discussion threads and 395 comments. The data was collected between November 11, 2024, and February 13, 2025.

Literature

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Latin America, war memes, political memes, social media, Ukraine war

Samantha Martinez Ziegler
samazi [a] utu.fi
MA, doctoral student
Digital Culture
University of Turku

How to cite: Martinez Ziegler, Samantha. 2024. “TerceraGuerraMundial in Memes: Latin American Perspectives on the Russo-Ukrainian War”. WiderScreen Ajankohtaista 20.12.2024. https://widerscreen.fi/numerot/ajankohtaista/terceraguerramundial-in-memes-latin-american-perspectives-on-the-russo-ukrainian-war/

Printable PDF-version

The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 has seen the use of war memes on social media as tools to engage in political discussion, spread ideologies, and as visual propaganda, particularly in anglophone cyberspaces and with an Eurocentric standpoint. In Latin America, where memetic culture is distinctly rooted in humour, emotions, and irony, Ukraine war memes have been used to express social and political commentary on the conflict. These war memes reveal affective responses to the Russia-Ukraine war, and present different perspectives on the effects of the war. The focus of this paper is the Latin American perspectives on the Russia-Ukraine war conveyed through memes created and posted on the day of the invasion under the hashtag Tercera Guerra Mundial (Third World War). By examining ten Spanish-language memes, I establish three common responses and stances, and explain the context in which they are conceived. This text was originally written for the 2024 course on Media Criticism and Society as part of the Dark Play project in the Digital Culture, Cultural Heritage and Landscape program at the University of Turku, and was revisited and last modified in the autumn of 2024.

In Latin America and the Caribbean, memes have been used as political and social commentary for years. From criticism and mockery aimed at specific political figures and parties, to bringing awareness to social issues that affect society, memes are today a common tool of Latin American political agendas (Makhortykh & González Aguilar 2020, 342). While this commentary sometimes focuses on local incidents and political figures that are relevant within specific geographical boundaries, as it can be commonly observed in memes that highlight the ongoing social unrest in countries like Argentina, Venezuela, Chile, Mexico, among others, other instances also show how memes are used to engage in political discourse that extends beyond the region, like international geopolitical issues. In this sense, the Latino memetic culture on social media is built upon the communicative power established between individuals that can observe reality from a particular perspective, thus allowing for collective commentary on foreign socio-political issues (Vera Campillay 2016, 6).

From a personal standpoint, I have been part of Twitterzuela (Graterol 2021), an online community of Venezuelan X^[1] users, since 2009. My experience as a member of this digital community has given me the opportunity to witness the evolution and production of political memes first-hand. A good example of the popularity of political memes in Twitterzuela is the creation of memes to celebrate the death of former president and controversial politician Hugo Chávez. Since 2013, the hashtag #ChavezPartyNightClub has been used on X every March 5th to share hundreds of memes, usually through a mix of image macros, text, and video clips (Maduradas 2021). Many of these memes are recycled and reposted each year, although it is common for new posts in the form of image macros or videos to be shared as well.

The memetic culture found in Twitterzuela is, though, part of a much larger culture that is shared with other Spanish-speaking countries in the region. For instance, in Mexico, memes became an effective campaign weapon employed by political parties and their followers during the 2018 presidential elections (Franco Estrada & Rawnsley 2021, 334). Latino abortion rights activists created and shared political memes during massive online protests on social media platforms like X and Instagram under the hashtag #AbortoLegalYa (Legal abortion now) since the late 2010s onwards (Acosta 2020, 40). In this manner, with over 400 million native Spanish speakers living across 20 countries (Osoblivaia 2020), Latin America has developed their own way of creating, replicating, adopting, and sharing memes through the years. The semantics of the Spanish language allow for visual and textual imagery to travel across these countries, despite the slight differences in regional dialects and area-specific internet jargon.

Bueno Oliviera (2022, 178) expands on this by explaining that the cultural characteristics of the Latino memes are not always understood by foreign individuals, and vice versa. In regard to political memes directed towards foreign conflicts and/or events, the digital boundaries between the Latin American countries begin to blur. Instead of 20 countries, the region becomes one geographical entity, a spectator isolated from the rest of the world where the conflict takes place (Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico 2023, 23). This has been the case in respect to the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war following the Russia invasion of Ukraine in 2022 (ibid). The Ukraine war memes created and shared in Spanish spaces on social media do not stay in country-specific bubbles; rather, these memes are intended to express collective thoughts, ideas, and sentiments of Latin America, whether explicitly or implicitly, in their content. This is reflected by the use of visual and textual elements (e.g., including the map and/or flags of Latin American countries, or including the word Latinoamérica or Latam in the memes) to talk about “us” in relation to “them/it” (in this instance, the war).

On social media, particularly on the platform X, the use of the hashtag #TerceraGuerraMundial (Third World War) to post memes about the Russo-Ukraine war particularly stands out. The hashtag is a hyperbole, where Latinos interpret contemporary foreign conflicts and crises of international interest and reach as an “unofficial” Third World War. Along these lines, #TerceraGuerraMundial has been used sporadically since 2020 by Latinos to share political memes, especially whenever international tensions arise. For example, the January 2020 Iranian attack on US forces (Harkins 2021) generated a lot of reactionary memes in Latin American spaces, which were shared through this hashtag on X (see Fig. 1). Although the fear of conflict factors in the creation of political memes (Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico 2023, 3), the use of #TerceraGuerraMundial also hints at an alarmist reaction before international political unrest.

Today, #TerceraGuerraMundial has become particularly relevant to discuss the Russia-Ukraine war in Latino cyberspaces (Quintanilla Kanter 2022). This paper discusses Latin American perspectives on the Russian invasion of Ukraine based on the textual and visual contents of war memes. In particular, I am interested in examining the earliest memetic responses to the conflict in Ukraine. From this perspective, I ponder the following: what kind of social commentary on the Russia-Ukraine war do Latinos express through memes on social media? Which particular emotions, ideas, and stances are reflected in the content of these war memes? What are the characteristics of Latino meme culture on the social media platform X? Towards this goal, I collected a small sample of 10 Spanish memes that were published shortly after the Russia invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 on X. The sample was then split into three categories based on the ideational components of its contents, which in turn offer three typical frames of reference on the conflict.

War Memes: Political Weapons of the Digital Age

The term “meme” was first used by biologist Richard Dawkins in 1976 to talk about units of culture that are transmitted from person to person, usually by imitation (Shifman 2014, 2). This definition has served as the base upon which academics have further developed the concept of meme. Particularly, in regard to internet memetics, professor Limor Shifman departs from Dawkins’ original definition proposes that instead of viewing memes as singular units of culture, they should be viewed as groups of units with common features, formats, and themes that can be replicated and imitated (Vainikka 2016, 61). Although the term is used colloquially to talk about fast-spread humorous images, videos, texts, among other media that is copied and replicated by others on the internet, academics offer a more ample understanding of what they are, what they represent, and how to interpret their content.

For example, Makhortykh & González Aguilar (2020, 343) describe memes as a combination of visual and verbal elements that aim to “stir affective reactions.” This echoes earlier statements by Nissenbaum and Shifman (2018, 297), which hold that “emotions are central to the operation of memes.” As another way of putting it, memes are carriers of an affective power. In this vein, Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico (2023, 6) support these claims by defining memes as messages transmitted through repetition and emotions, anchored to the perception of a particular reality.

While internet memes can be used to convey positivity (e.g., celebrate success, enhance positive feelings, and show empathy), they can also be tools to spread misinformation, hate speech, and political propaganda (Vainikka 2016, 63; Nissenbaum & Shifman 2018, 297). Internet memes have played a particular role in the Russo-Ukrainian war, being used by both of the parties involved to promote their respective political agendas on social media. Pro-Ukraine and pro-Russia have been used by both civilians and government officials since the conflict started to engage in political discourse (Saarikoski et al. 2024, 7). In fact, a cartoon depicting Adolf Hitler caressing Russian president Vladimir Putin’s cheek, captioned “This is not a ‘meme’, but our and your reality right now” posted by the Ukraine government’s official X account hours after Putin announced the start of a “special military operation” in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, is one of the first official uses of political memes in this particular armed conflict (Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico 2023, 7).

In a recent study, Chen et al. (2023) analysed the content of pro-Russia and pro-Ukraine war memes and were able to place them in different categories according to their contextual usage to convey political messages. Their findings indicate that the thematic of pro-Russian memes often emphasise the high competence of the Russian government while showcasing the incompetence of the enemies, i.e., “targeting aspects of US and their allies’ culture and beliefs” (Chen et al. 2023, 42). Meanwhile, the study allocates pro-Ukraine memes into three different categories: Russian deceit, Russian incompetence, and Ukrainian fortitude (Chen et al. 2023, 45). These findings establish similar patterns in the use of war memes by both of the belligerent parties, particularly as digital weapons to undermine the enemy (especially in the case of pro-Russian memes), as well as praising their fellow countrymen, military forces, and government.

Although acknowledging the weaponization of political memes in digital spaces is vital when discussing ideologies, movements, and modern conflicts as the war in Ukraine, it is important to note that memes have had other uses as well. For instance, Saarikoski et al. (2024, 6) explain that beyond political agendas, memes have been used to express emotions caused by the war, particularly in regard to coping with emotional trauma. In other words, memes can offer cathartic psychological relief to those negatively affected by the war. Nissenbaum & Shifman (2018, 297) have previously explained the emotional nature of the internet meme, and have suggested that these emotions are co-constructed at both individual and collective levels. In this sense, although memes can reflect individualistic emotions (e.g., someone’s personal fears and anxieties about the war), their relatability and virality further indicate that these emotions are felt collectively as well.

The aforementioned studies on the use of memes in the Russo-Ukrainian war also suggest that part of the conflict is carried out on social media as well (Saarikoski et al. 2024, 5). In this context, social media platforms are not only used to comment on the conflict, but as digital spaces where to use memetic warfare (ibid.). That is to say, the effects of the war are felt in geographical locations as well as in cyberspace. Nonetheless, the war memes analysed in these studies offer insights into (Western) European and Russian perspectives and do not encompass the entire landscape of Ukraine war memes shared online. Consequently, other foreign outlooks and stances are largely absent from their findings.

As noted earlier, the creation and sharing of Spanish-language war memes from a Latin American viewpoint has prevailed on social media from February 24, 2022, onwards. Discussing the memetic practices of Spanish speakers in Latin America, Bueno Olivera (2020, 180-181) highlights the use of humorous memes as political expressions and in the face of crises and disasters. Humour is one of the biggest characteristics of the Spanish-speaking internet, influencing the perception and creation of realities in the region.^[2] A recent study on the Latin American representation of the Russo-Ukrainian by Xavier Alejandro Gómez-Muñoz & Hilda Paola Muñoz-Pico (2023, 22) show that the memetic culture in the region heavily relies on humour and affective emotions rather than on logic. The authors focused on the rhetoric analysis of the most popular Ukraine war memes found on X at the time of their writing, as determined by the number of likes in a post. Furthermore, this research also found two predominant themes in Spanish memes: the celebration of Latin American integration (positive emotion) and an apathetic stance towards the war (self-awareness, and often negative emotions), both expressed through humour (Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico 2023, 23).

Following their perspective, the memes discussed below illustrate these types of responses to conflict in the context of Latin American memetic culture. While the study by Gómez-Muñoz and Muñoz-Pico chose to approach the topic by using a sample size of 10 X posts based on popularity, my sample was selected in terms of: immediacy (memes that were posted on the same day or the day after the invasion was announced) and hashtag usage (must include the hashtag #TerceraGuerraMundial).

Integration: “Today is a good day to be from Latin America”

The meme above shows a template of Jotchua, a golden retriever puppy held up in one hand towards the camera, next to a map of Latin America and the Caribbean, with added text above reading “I love you,” in regard to the region (see Fig. 3). This meme, also known as Perro Dinero (Money Dog), has been used by Spanish speakers on social media, particularly on X, to express thankfulness. The superimposed text reading “I love you” above the puppy’s shabby and pixelated appearance often indicates a feeling best described as a “pained” relief. For instance, this meme became very popular during the Olympic games to show support for athletes and teams, especially in cases where the possibilities of winning were minimal (Gómez-Muñoz & Muñoz-Pico 2023, 19).

This meme reflects the sentiments of Latin American integration from a cultural and geographical standpoint, and isolation (from the rest of the world) that were previously discussed. The humour here is subtle but simple: the war is happening in Europe, not in Latin America, and therefore, positive feelings towards living in Latin America are expressed. Although the war in Ukraine has affected the region in terms of lower economic growth and high inflation even a few months after the war began (UN 2022), the positive emotion here is reflected in the lack of proximity to the armed conflict.

The juxtaposition of the meme and its caption versus the hashtags used are also worth pointing out; while the visual and textual imagery show love towards Latin America, the use of warning hashtags like #ATENCIÓN #AHORA (#ATTENTION #NOW), in addition to the more alarmist #ThirdWorldWar creates a contrast in the message delivered by the meme. At the same time, the hashtags are used to give further background on the meme. If we were to view these memes by themselves, without knowing that they were posted in regard to the Russo-Ukrainian war, the meaning would surely be lost. This demonstrates what Milner (2013, 2365) has defined as “minimalistic humour,” a characteristic of memes in which further context is needed to understand its humour and textual content.

In the collected sample, I found several examples of memes that convey a strong collective feeling of Latin American integration, despite experienced hardships and socio-cultural issues found in the region (see Figs. 4-6). Simultaneously, other characteristics of the memetic culture in Latin America arose. For instance, in a study comparing the use of political memes in Venezuela and Ukraine, Makhortykh & González Aguilar (2020) point out that Venezuelan memes reference popular culture products, such as Western popular culture and anime/manga (349). The figures above illustrate how image macros of the American animated series SpongeBob SquarePants and the Nintendo video games character Kirby have been used to express feelings of love towards Latin America by Latinos (see Figs. 5-6).

A critical approach one could implement when studying these types of memes is the lack of empathy and insensitivity towards the effects of the war (namely casualties, injuries, tragedy). While the message of these memes is not meant to be mock the conflict, and rather showcases a newfound sense of unity in the region, there is still the lingering question of whether it is ethical to “celebrate” not being involved in a war, especially by using alarmist hashtags like #ATTENTION and the more visible #ThirdWarWorld to spread these memes.

Apathy: “That’s my secret, Europe, I’m always in crisis”

This second type of meme showcases a playful take on the region’s apathy in situations of international crisis or disasters. In the particular meme above, a figureless representation of Europe asks, “Latin America, why are you not in crisis due to the #ThirdWorldWar?” In this context, the hashtag is used to replace the name of the actual conflict, the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The meme shows a reconfiguration of the original line delivered by the Hulk in Marvel’s 2012 film the Avengers: “that’s my secret, Captain. I’m always angry” becomes “that’s my secret, Europe. I’m always in crisis,” and in this stance, Latin America is embodied by the Hulk (see Fig. 7).

Apathy is best defined as a human behaviour that reflects absence or suppression of empathy, emotion, or interest. I mentioned earlier that humorous memes are used to cope with the trauma generated by the war. At the same time, pessimistic and parodic humour can be employed as a coping mechanism for other political stresses and insecurities (Makhortykh & González Aguilar 2020, 352). In the case of Latin America, the region has been afflicted by socioeconomic crises for decades, many of which have been heightened by several military dictatorships from the 19th century onwards, leaving millions living in poverty. For instance, a study by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC 2023) shows that “more than 180 million people in the region do not have enough income to meet their basic needs and 70 million of them lack the income needed to acquire a basic food basket.” My home country of Venezuela has seen an inflation rate of over 60.000% in the past years (Statista 2020), while its capital city, Caracas, is ranked third in the world’s most violent cities (World Population Review, n.d.). The top ten is composed of Latin American cities.

With this in mind, it is easier to put the apathy expressed through these memes in a wider geopolitical and social context. Seiffert et al. (2018, 2863) consider that, while memes can be used as political commentary, they can move from their original political expression “toward humour, irreverence, and meaninglessness.” In the case of these memes, while they are originally intended to show lack of interest in the Russo-Ukrainian war and further the feelings of isolation previously described by Gómez-Muñoz and Muñoz-Pico (2023), they can also be viewed as a collective introspection. In other words, Latin Americans look at their own experiences living in the region, they review the negative side of it (i.e., the socio-economic crises, economic collapses, dictatorships, corruption, ongoing violence, etc), and acknowledge them through humour.

That said, the content of these memes can also be examined through more critical lenses. For instance, in the examples shown in Figs. 8-9, both images indicate that Spanish speakers are aware of the war and the tragedy it brings, but they choose not to take a side or express any empathy towards any of the belligerent parties. In the first meme (Fig. 8), the anthropomorphic skeleton glances at the nuclear explosion happening at its back, yet chooses to look away and carry on the conversation, strengthening the feeling of Latin American integration that was described in the previous chapter. Ironically, or perhaps intentionally, the comic strip that serves as a template for this meme is taken from the cover of Peace Sells… but Who’s Buying? (1986), an album by American thrash metal band Megadeth.

Alternatively, the next sample meme (Fig. 9) shows a combination of a visual component (an image of a golden retriever dog sitting in front of a laptop while the background behind it depicts a catastrophic war scenario) and a textual component (the post caption, indicating that a benefit from living in a “third world country,” namely a developing country, is not to be affected by the war). The dog’s breed (golden retriever) and demeanour (its mouth open and relaxed, with the tongue hanging out) can represent happiness, while the war at its back represents the Ukraine war. The dog’s paws are on the laptop, thus showing that it must carry on its activities, in spite of the conflict.

It is worth nothing that these memes were posted on the day of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Over two years afterwards, we have witnessed the rampant tragedy, death and destruction brought by the war. The dark and borderline prophetic nature of these memes must then be questioned. Is apathy visible in these memes still “justifiable,” when there is an implicit level of consciousness of the possible consequences of the Ukraine war? Can we infer that apathy equals acceptance, when this reality had not yet come to fruition? Or rather, should this apathy be interpreted as a form of complacency?

Fear and Self-Awareness: “No. Next question.”

Lastly, this last example shows a dialogue in Spanish followed by an image of the character Amy Fowler from the American sitcom the Big Bang Theory (2007–2019). As has been the case with previous examples, the dialogue in this meme is between a foreign figure (“other countries”) and Latin America as one entity. The foreign figure addresses the influx of Spanish memes and jokes being created about the war, and acknowledges the unspoken and widespread feelings of dread caused by the conflict. In return, Latin America’s response is that of Amy Fowler. In the image, the character is being pushed for questions by reporters, and carries a blank expression as the caption “No. Next question,” indicates a rather blunt, direct answer.

In a recent study of the depiction of fear in memes related to the COVID-19 pandemic, Damatis (2024, 41) determined that emotions are commonly represented by a combination of verbal and visual elements. Namely, the mix of pictures and text let the reader understand the emotion behind its creation. The representation of fear present in the Spanish-language sample are not dissimilar; it is the combination of text and images that gives meaning to the memes at an emotional level. And even more so, the memes used as example here show a level of self-awareness and introspection in regard to this fear; Latinos acknowledge the fear of war and conflict, even if it is happening in another continent, and credit it as the driving force behind the creation of war memes. Yet, at the same time, the dialogue shown in Fig. 10 points that despite their self-awareness, Latinos refuse to stop using memes to cope and “take it seriously.” 

Earlier in the text, I referenced research of Saarikoski et al. (2024, 6-7), who argue that memes become a momentary relief to cope with traumatic experiences in the case of the Russo-Ukrainian war. Along these lines, Gómez-Muñoz and Muñoz-Pico (2023, 23) also observed in their study of Spanish-language memes that fear was the most predominant emotion present in their sample. More specifically, their findings establish that this fear is rooted in being forced to be involved in the war, and not on the overall effects of the war at a global scale (ibid.). With this in mind, we must once again think of the ethics of war memes. Is it right to share memes that either celebrate the isolation of the continent or that turn a blind eye to the war, when the same are masking the fear of being forced into taking part in it through humour?

Latinos seem to be aware of the moral dilemmas associated with war memes, as reflected in the figures shown in this section. In this regard, the main question seems to be “why post memes about the war, given how serious the issue is?” Each of the memes selected offer a different stance: the first meme shows avoidance and bluntness (see Fig. 10). The second meme shows the duality of the Latino memetic culture, highlighting the affinity for humour even when facing moments of distress (see Fig. 11). Lastly, the third meme shows a similar lack of interest and empathy as described in the previous chapter; the comic strip shows the map of Latin America personified by the character Homer Simpson, who not only acknowledges it is not right to “joke” about serious topics, but seconds the sentiment with apathy by stating that “that’s just how things are” (see Fig. 12) The implication here is subtle but strong: this is how the memetic culture in the region is, and Latinos are not willing to compromise nor change it.

Conclusion

Global events of international importance inspire the creation of memes. In today’s time and age, memes have gained a purpose beyond humour and/or entertainment, becoming vehicles through which to engage in social and political discourse. Through satire and comedy, memes can be used to quickly spread opinions, thoughts, and ideas with the intention to praise, criticise, or simply offer commentary on socio-political problems, figures, and environments. Along these lines, the creation of memes does not occur in a vacuum; external factors, particularly social and cultural ones, influence the textual and visual components of the meme, and the overall message it conveys.

Through the years, Latin America has developed its own memetic culture in the digital world. This culture is very much headlined by a distinct, and oftentimes unapologetic sense of humour, which itself reflects the vibrant and jokey nature of Latinos. In this regard, Spanish-language memes are used to express collective stances and remarks on current and political issues, as has been the case with the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war. On February 24, 2022, the day of the invasion of Ukraine, Latinos turned to the social media platform X to engage in political discourse by sharing memes with the hashtag #TerceraGuerraMundial. Translating to Third World War in English, the hashtag carries a heavy and rather alarmist connotation: this war will become a global conflict.

Although the full effects of the Ukraine war and its impact on the global economic, geopolitics, cost-of-living were yet to erupt as we have now witnessed in the past couple of years, these memes reflect a collectivistic and immediate response to the possibility of an upcoming global conflict. As is the case with the memetic culture of Latin America, humour and satire have been used to express collective feelings, and in particular, positive and negative emotions.

The collected sample shows that a portion of the Spanish-language memes focused on highlighting the geographical separation between Latin America and Ukraine, where the conflict is taking place. In doing so, memes are used to create a feeling of integration in the region. This is reflected in the “happy” textual and visual components of the memes (i.e., the use of images where hearts and smiling characters are visible, the bold text reading “I love you” above the Latin America map). Yet, while these emotions are positive from a Latin America perspective, they can be interpreted as insensitive or rude in view of a real war that has had appalling consequences.

Thus and thus, apathy and fear were the two prevalent negative emotions found in the sample. As I mentioned, the creation of memes does not happen in a vacuum; the apathy that is shown in these memes can be attributed to the socioeconomic and political challenges and inequalities that have impacted the lives of millions of people living in Latin America. Namely, when daily life is a struggle, poverty is all around, and violence is rampant, a conflict taking place thousands of kilometres away does not feel as impactful as the realities Latinos face on their day-to-day. Yet, interestingly so, these Ukraine war memes also show a level of introspection, as Latinos use them to express their fear of the possibility of a Third World War. More specifically, of their forced participation in a global armed conflict. In this case, apathy and fear shall not be viewed as a juxtaposition; rather, this fear is closely related to the emergent problems found in the region. If life in Latin America can be very difficult, any additional threats, such as being forced to take part in a World War, can seem extremely frightening.

Whether positive or negative, the sample demonstrates how war memes are used to cope with the stress and anxieties of an emerging conflict, and shines the spotlight on Latin American perspectives of the war. The matter of whether or not certain stances and employed humour are insensitive or dark must be approached carefully, and it is of great importance to put things in the right context prior to making meanings of them. Viewing things from a critical perspective not only lets us have a better understanding of digital phenomena and human behaviour, but also to question them and the reasons behind them. I believe that some of the questions raised by the examples discussed in this paper, as well as evoked in the reader, could be answered by examining the evolution of these Spanish-langue war memes from February 2022 until today. Moreover, a comparative study might indicate whether the stances have changed with the evolution of the conflict.

References

All links verified 18.12.2024. 

Research Material

🍄✨ Pøly_shitpøster✨🍄 (@ShippaiG). 2022. “Y decían que vivir en un país tercermundista no traía beneficios #TerceraGuerraMundial #URGENTE.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 7:53 AM. https://x.com/ShippaiG/status/1496724943601639427.

Alex (@alexculee). 2022. “Europa: Latinoamérica por qué no entras en crisis por #TerceraGuerraMundial ? Latam: ese es mi secreto Europa, siempre estoy en crisis.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 8:29 PM. https://x.com/alexculee/status/1496915131334377473.

Bonnie🦋 (@Bonnie_chan05). 2022. “Yo antes: sAQUENME DE LATINOAMERICA Yo ahora: viendo la tendencia -Putin, corea del norte, Estados unidos, Rusia, china, Ucrania, Guerra, etc- No gracias, acá toy bien #TerceraGuerraMundial” X, Feb 24, 2022, 10:15 PM. https://x.com/Bonnie_chan05/status/1496941865916153860.

GabyLR🌌🛸🐙🐋🌎☄️🌕 (@GabyLR15). 2022. “Los demás países: Latinoamérica puedes dejar de hacer memes para ocultar tu miedo y tomarte esto enserio? Latinoamérica #TerceraGuerraMundial” X, Feb 24, 2022, 2:35 PM. https://x.com/GabyLR15/status/1496826082821132290.

Luisa (@Luimv96). 2022. “Todos preocupados por la tercera guerra mundial pero aún así entrando a twitter a ver los momazos: #TerceraGuerraMundial.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 6:20 AM. https://x.com/Luimv96/status/1496701433093271552. 

Licenciado Yagami (@NegritoTuiter0). 2022. “Ya no me saquen de Latinoamérica banda… 🥲 #Rusia LATAM #Ucrania #Ucraina #Putin #TerceraGuerraMundial.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 5:36 PM. https://x.com/NegritoTuiter0/status/1496871671516565504.

navas, misael (@misael_666). 2020. “Trump: ”latinoamerica esta de lado de eeuu” Latinoamérica: #WWIII #TerceraGuerraMundial #worldwar3” X, Jan 4, 2020, 5:18 AM. https://x.com/misael_666/status/1213298625683578881.

Perez, Francisco (@Olympus_Mons96). 2022. “#TerceraGuerraMundial #Anonymous *Rusia, Estados Unidos y Ucrania en plena guerra* Todos en el conflicto … LATAM:” X, Feb 25, 2022, 7:46 PM.https://x.com/Olympus_Mons96/status/1497266128804061188/. 

Richie (@GranRichiee). 2022. “Es un buen día para ser de LATAM #Ucrania #Ukraine #ATENCION #AHORA #TerceraGuerraMundial.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 3:18 PM. https://x.com/GranRichiee/status/1496836943866441730.

Ukraine / Україна (@Ukraine). 2022. “This is not a ‘meme’, but our and your reality right now.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 10:43 AM. https://x.com/Ukraine/status/1496767831182041089.

Wen🇦🇷🏆⭐⭐⭐ (@wensugg). 2022. “*Yo hasta ayer queriendo irme del país y de LATAM* Yo hoy: #TerceraGuerraMundial #WWIII.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 1:46 PM. https://x.com/wensugg/status/1496813852796747776.

Zeceña, Marlon (@marlonzece). 2022. “Donde están los estudiantes de la UVG que querían salir de Latinoamérica. #TerceraGuerraMundial #WWIII.” X, Feb 24, 2022, 10:50 PM. https://x.com/marlonzece/status/1496952850219511808.

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Notes

^[1] Formerly known as Twitter; hence the portmanteau “Twitterzuela.”

^[2] For further information, see Internet, Humor, and Nation in Latin America (2024), edited by Héctor Fernández L’Hoeste and Juan Poblete.

anthropology, design fiction, design research, future-making, science fiction, smart city

Johanna Ylipulli
Johanna.ylipulli [a] aalto.fi
Academy of Finland research fellow
Information networks
Department of Computer Science
Aalto University

Viittaaminen / How to cite: Ylipulli, Johanna. 2021. ”Science Fiction to the Rescue! Harnessing Anthropological Design Fiction for Paradigmatic Changes in the World of Collapsing Ecosystems”. WiderScreen Ajankohtaista 15.12.2021. http://widerscreen.fi/numerot/ajankohtaista/science-fiction-to-the-rescue-harnessing-anthropological-design-fiction-for-paradigmatic-changes-in-the-world-of-collapsing-ecosystems/

In the field of design, applying science fiction has become a common practice. These approaches are called design fiction which refers to using science fiction within a design process – to test concepts and prototype in the context of a fictional world, or to comment, reflect and criticize innovations. This review article introduces design fiction and ponders whether design could draw more from the subgenre of anthropological science fiction. This would enable holistic imaginings and more conscious creation of complete socio-cultural worlds instead of focusing on particular technologies or use situations. Anthropological design fiction could be utilized with broader aims in mind: it could, potentially, assist in changing the seemingly inevitable direction of certain powerful agendas, such as the smart city agenda, which heavily steers the urban development of numerous cities globally.

Introduction

In recent years, a design approach utilizing science fiction, namely design fiction, has become a basic part of many designers’ and design researchers’ toolbox. The most classic definition of design fiction describes it as science fiction that takes into account the realities of design (Sterling 2005); it allows crossing the boundaries of facts and of what is currently possible over to the imaginary side. It refers to a variety of approaches having somewhat different aims: it is mainly utilized to ideate, prototype, and expand visions of future technologies, but also for reflecting, commenting and criticizing current trends or developments. What is common for all approaches falling under the rubric of design fiction is that they consciously utilize fictional narrative within a design process (Sterling 2005). On the other hand, Coulton et al. (2017) argue that a narrative is not central in design fiction; fictional artefacts are the key as they can act as an entry point to a fictional world. In any case, the argued strengths of design fiction include that it enables putting technologies that are not yet here within a context and imagining emotions, thoughts, and social situations they can produce. Further, it can provide understandings on the potential societal impact of various future technologies or infrastructures. (Bleecker 2009; Dunne & Raby 2013; Sterling 2005.) Relatively often a certain technology, gadget or application works as a starting point for design fictional endeavors. Consequently, the focus is on potential use of novel technology and its implications (Ylipulli et al. 2016).

This article explores the idea of integrating design fiction with perspectives offered by a specific sub-genre of science fiction, namely anthropological or social science fiction (Stover 1973). Shifting the focus from creating imaginary technologies to creating imaginary societies could be highly useful, especially when considering the future of extremely complex entities such as cities. Anthropological science fiction focuses on experimenting with cultural and social issues by asking, for example, what are humans and how does culture work. It can describe situations where cultural practices have developed into new directions due to encounters with alien species, or it might discuss the resilience of human culture when transferred into a strange environment. These kinds of imaginings that offer views to future but do not center on technological novelties but cultural novelties are needed now perhaps more than ever: the immense challenges of Anthropocene, climate change and biodiversity loss, require taking action immediately and steering away from incremental problem-solving towards paradigm shifts (Luusua et al. 2017). As claimed in the next subchapter, imaginary views offered by fiction are not just powerless dreams but they can effectively steer our thinking and actions.

The long-term relationship of science fiction and design

We can argue that fiction, understood broadly, has always been part of design. When we couple fiction with design, we tap one of the most profound human capabilities: that of making tools. On its purest level, this ability is based on imagining something that does not exist yet, and projecting the creations of imagination into the real world – by crafting tools, buildings and technologies, and eventually, by transforming whole environments. The narrower use of the term “fiction” implies that there is a narrative, a story, that is not based on facts nor presented as a fact. Leaning on this definition does not save us from a throwback to history: stories have inspired technology design and engineering for centuries or for thousands of years across different cultures (see e.g. Cave et al. 2020). Moreover, inventors and scientists have created speculative designs to test their ideas.

Science fiction as a modern literary genre (and later other media genre) was born as a result of the industrial revolution (Franklin 2011). It offers an imaginary venue for the critical reflection of scientific discoveries and also enables pondering alternative paths of development. In other words, science fiction can be seen as offering a safe arena where our increasingly technologizing society can exercise introspection (Franklin 2011). To give a brief general definition, science fiction describes and creates reflections on the impact of technology and science on human societies – and also on individual human. Typically, science fiction is more or less rooted in the advances of science and technology. Some subgenres, especially hard science fiction, pay more attention to scientific accuracy.

Furthermore, not only fiction reflects science, but it has been argued that also science reflects fiction and draws inspiration from it. (Bardzell and Bardzell 2014; Reeves 2012). For example, it has been highlighted in media that some tech companies have hired science fiction writers to boost innovation; and reportedly, the virtual reality company Oculus has handed the science fiction novel Ready Player One (2011) to its new employees (Wingfield 2016). The interaction between fiction and science can also be more unconscious. Paul Dourish and Genevieve Bell (2014) state that “science fiction does not merely anticipate but actively shapes technological futures through its effect on the collective imagination.”

However, although the relationship between fiction and design can be seen as ancient, and also science fiction has been around for more than a century, the concept of design fiction is relatively new. Design fiction as we understand it was it was coined by Bruce Sterling in his book Shaping Things (2005). He defined it as science fiction concerned with the realities of design. Another seminal publication came out in 2008 when Julian Bleecker discussed the concept in a presentation given at the Engage Design conference and in a digital essay (Bleecker 2008). Subsequently, the papers referring to design fiction have multiplied and its uses have been elaborated into multiple different approaches. Lindley et al. (2014) describe in their paper that “Returning to Sterling’s definition of design fiction, a central point is that designers are now using diegetic prototypes intentionally. Whereas in examples from literature, film and comics, diegetic prototyping occurs as a byproduct of the storytelling and entertainment endeavor, designers and practitioners of design fiction now are mobilizing diegetic prototypes intentionally for the purposes of informing design processes and projects.” In other words, the central point here is that fiction is used consciously as a part of design.

The more recent trends include combining participatory approaches to design with design fiction which enables imagining new futures together with more diverse group of participants (Baumann et al. 2018; Lyckvi et al. 2018). It has been argued that this is essential in order to create more diverse futures and to democratize future-making which is often confined to privileged groups such as policy-makers, futurists, entrepreneurs – and designers (e.g. Maze 2016).

When we look at the current works employing design fiction, they are often quite centered on gadgets and devices. In other words, technologies act as an entry point to the future AND the main aim is to create fictional prototypes. For example, Baumann et al. (2017) introduce a design process including four phases in which prototyping precedes the creation of design fiction: 1) Brainstorming; 2) Prototyping; 3) Design Fictions; 4) Presentation. Another example of this focus on artefacts and prototyping is offered by Coulton et al. (2017) who intend to redefine design fiction in their paper as focused on world building through several fictional artefacts: “[–] Design Fiction also demonstrates how an unreal world can be built using a wide variety of different artefacts, for example signs, maps, hardware blueprints, new legislation, and a user interface. In this case a single ‘container’ artefact, the research paper, linked all of these elements together. Each of these individual elements, which in aggregate tell a world not a story, represent ‘entry points’ to that fictional world.” This focus of design fiction is very understandable as the dominant motive for using the approach has been to innovate new technologies, and I want to emphasize the aim of this article is not to argue against this kind of use. Rather, the idea is to suggest an adjacent approach; following the example of science fiction, design fiction can also accommodate different subgenres that serve different purposes.

Another alliance: science fiction and anthropology

Anthropological science fiction is a subgenre of science fiction, having a distinct focus. Rather than starting with technology and science, anthropological science fiction experiments and innovates with cultural and social issues. It is centered around the very same questions as academic anthropology: it ponders what humans are and how does culture work. Typically, it describes situations where cultural practices have developed into new directions due to encounters with alien species, or it might imagine how human culture would change when transferred into a strange environment. Ursula Le Guin’s seminal Hainish Cycle novels (1969–2000) as well as Octavia Butler’s Xenogenesis trilogy (1987–1989) are classic examples of anthropological science fiction. Famously, Le Guin’s father was a well-known cultural anthropologist.

Interestingly, again the interaction between fiction and academic discipline(s) is reciprocal: as demonstrated above, fiction writers have been interested in anthropological speculation, but also anthropologist have for decades been interested in the potential offered by narratives and the power of speculation (e.g. Gerald 2003; Stover 1973). Sean Seeger and Daniel Davison-Vecchione (2021) map the recent developments of this area and mention a blog series (Anderson et al. 2018) on speculative anthropologies, commissioned by the Society for Cultural Anthropology. In the series scholars from social sciences and humanities ponder how questions posed by their fields resonate with science fiction. Further, Matthew Wolf-Meyer (2019) has recently built on these explorations and authored a short monograph on anthropology and speculative fiction, drawing on a range of science fiction. He claims that there should not be sharp distinction between social theory and speculative fiction as the knowledge claims of social sciences can be understood as somewhat speculative in nature: “Social theory and speculative fiction are two sides of the same coin. It is not the case that social theory is the sole provenance of academics nor that speculative fiction is that of science fiction writers. Both traditions ask us to imagine worlds that can be described and depicted, and ask us as audiences to imagine the rules that undergird a society and its human and more-than- human relationships” (Wolf-Meyer 2019, 5.) In short, Wolf-Meyer intends to tease out more creative ways of thinking about the world ahead, and create space for more diverse potential futures.

Despite these highly interesting explorations that all appear to point towards the same direction, there seems to be a gap between designerly uses of science fiction and anthropological interests on the subject. A few scholars have begun connecting the dots: Lindley et al. (2014) discuss in their paper how design fiction and design ethnography could work together in theory, resulting in an approach they call anticipatory ethnography. Further, anthropologist Anne Galloway has studied the possibilities of fantastic ethnography or creative ethnography (Galloway 2012; Galloway & Caudwell 2019). Design anthropologists Mette Kjærsgaard and Laurens Boer (2015) have also made a bold suggestion that we need to develop more speculative anthropology inspired by critical design and more situated critical design inspired by anthropology. They describe an approach realized with students where they combined ethnographic fieldwork, creation of speculative artefacts and writing of fictional narratives. Overall, there seem to be several fascinating propositions but also a lot of space for developing these ideas further, both in theory and in practice. One way forward is finding more resonances between approaches raising, on the other hand, from the field of anthropology and from aspirations to create understandings of (future) human condition through fiction, and design-led approaches focusing on technological change.

The importance of incorporating anthropological or holistic socio-cultural perspectives to design fiction can be justified by thinking about the persistent separation of technology and culture. These two are still often treated as separate domains; the view is dominating the everyday life thinking and often also conceptualizations in business world – and sometimes also research and design activities (e.g. Suopajärvi et al. 2012). This separation is often connected to technological determinism which still seems to haunt large part of the public discourse around technology, depicting it as an “arrow of progress” which moves towards a certain direction and cannot be controlled (Escobar et al. 1994). The separation of technology and culture is harmful in many ways: it prevents us from properly reflecting on the potential consequences of technological innovation and it also restricts the imaginative space of design itself (e.g. Balsamo 2011).

Technology can be defined as a set of tools, machines and knowledge related to them; and culture as “socially shared symbolic system of signs and meanings” (Balsamo 2011, 5) cannot be separated from it. Anne Balsamo (2011) uses the concept of technoculture that unites these two. According to her, social elements contribute to the overall meaning of technology, and technologies take shape through social practices. Her list of social facets inseparable from technology include also “the rituals and habits engendered by innovative devices, and the social structures that congeal through the use of machines, the consumption of products, the imposition of laws, and the enactment of policies” (Balsamo 2011, 9). Science and technology studies (STS) scholars have concluded that on the most fundamental level, every technology is socio-technical construction. Furthermore, Balsamo refers to the Humanist notions which claim that every technology also includes the expression of cultural understandings – “in the form of narratives, myths, values and truth claims. Therefore, technological innovations should be understood as hybrid socio-technical-cultural assemblages.” (Balsamo 2011, 9.) It can be argued that this corresponds also to fictional technological innovations – also they can be seen as hybrid socio-technical-cultural assemblages.

It can be argued that in order to create more holistic and sustainable visions of the possible futures, designers and design researchers utilizing design fiction need to pay attention to deeper socio-cultural structures. Anthropological science fiction can offer models for this work. We began to study the possibilities of combining anthropological thinking with design fiction in a paper published in 2016 (Ylipulli et al. 2016) in which we explored some ongoing urban research projects in the light of design fiction without an intention to prototype anything. We were especially interested in the social, cultural and ethical aspects and found ourselves pondering, for example, what death means in a potential future where all humans have their digital 3D replicas and tons of digital information of themselves online, and AI can mimic anything based on this information. Design fiction allowed us to dive deep into many profoundly cultural themes before the changes in question had actually happened, and to ponder their promises, challenges and threats. (Of course, now we are much closer to this fictional future than 5 years ago!). We noted that actually the science fiction inspired project of design fiction and the aims of anthropologists who study emerging technologies fit together well. This insight can be broadened by arguing that design fiction provides intriguing tools for anthropologists who try to make sense of emerging socio-technical futures and their implications for different groups of people. These notions are resonating clearly with arguments by Wolf-Meyer (2019) about speculative anthropology.

Reconfiguring dominant paradigms with anthropological design fiction?

To summarize, the reasons for harnessing dormant powers of anthropological speculation in design lay in the necessity to address the deeply entangled nature of culture and technology, but also in the urgent need to question complete paradigms or agendas steering technology design and development. Most of the design fiction operates within these paradigms; they do not necessarily challenge the very ideas of developing for example autonomous vehicles, ubiquitous computing or smart cities. All of these can be seen as dominant paradigms of technology design, based on certain choices, values and beliefs, and promoting the development of certain types of infrastructures and interactions. The social scientific orientation that encourages to question and challenge hegemonic arrangements, see their historicalness and relativity, can open up completely new, unexpected future horizons and help to reconfigure dominant paradigms. This can be especially useful concerning those agendas that are repeatedly critiqued for causing adverse societal impacts – such as the ones mentioned above.

For example, smart city as an urban development agenda has been extensively critiqued by urban scholars for being too exclusive and targeted mainly to wealthy and tech-savvy citizens. This can strengthen the existing axes of inequality, including those related to space and different residential areas, and create new ones, based on digital capability. Furthermore, it has been claimed smart city agenda promotes excessive surveillance and control, and transfers power from city dwellers either to big tech companies or to authoritarian governments (see Ylipulli and Luusua 2019; Ylipulli 2015; Zuboff 2015). Urbanization and technologization are megatrends that cannot be ignored when visioning the future of humankind; we need alternative techno-urban visions to accompany the critiques and to challenge the existing agendas.

I wish to underline that drawing from anthropological science fiction in design-oriented explorations does not mean we would completely steer away from technology and protypes. Rather, the idea would be to define a new starting point and reverse the order of imaginative processes: first, we have the anthropological, fictional scenario; changed living environment or societal arrangements that are different from the current situation. After having imagined these, we could focus on what technologies would be desirable. It is out of the scope of this brief paper to elaborate the process in detail – it will probably require some empirical studies as well. However, in the following I introduce three notions that can assist in developing the idea of anthropological design fiction further. The notions are inspired by all the three fields I wish to combine here: science fiction, anthropology and design.

Notes from three different “universes”

First of all, it may be useful to look at our original starting point, science fiction as genre, more closely and see whether it offers new insights for understanding anthropological design fiction. It has been argued that science fiction has three central modus operandi: intensification, extrapolation, and mutation, each one offering a different orientation towards understanding the future possibilities (Wolf-Meyer 2019). They are important to recognize as one of them is especially suitable for creating anthropological design fiction capable of breaking existing paradigms – namely mutation.

If we take brief examples from contemporary science fiction, the film Blade Runner 2049 (2017) leans strongly on intensification. The narrative follows several present developmental paths to the future and intensifies them: Blade Runner introduces a world of accelerated climate change, biodiversity loss, and excessive urbanization, coupled with elaborated robotics, AI and VR. Humans live in the vast and rather bleak urban areas, and boundaries between human/artificial and reality/digital reality are becoming unclear (image 1). The film presents an interesting commentary, for example, on human nature, but when assessed from the perspective of designing new futures, we can contend that it does not necessarily sign a way forward. It shows what developmental paths we should maybe consider again and seek other options, but these options are not really opened up.

Extrapolation takes a practice, institution or people and investigates what would happen if it would survive to the future. One recent example of this tendency could be The Handmaid’s Tale, a book by Margaret Atwood (1985), which was adapted into an award-winning series in 2017–2021. Although the narrative falls maybe more clearly under the category of speculative fiction than science fiction, offering a view to an alternative reality, it is a very clear example of extrapolation: it takes many forces of today’s world – totalitarianism, hierarchies, extreme religiousness – and weaves them into a dystopic future where part of the women are ripped off all their rights and forced to live as breeding machines. And the society pictured does not seem to make its creators, the class holding all the power, that happy either. This form of science fiction can offer extremely effective commentary on current trends and on horrifying injustice human societies are capable of, it can criticize and warn – but likewise narratives drawing from intensification, it often lacks the ability to effectively show us an alternative way forward: how we could do things differently.

The book Dune (1965) by Frank Herbert was also recently adapted into an audiovisual work – the film Dune: Part One (2021). The original novel is sometimes categorized as an important piece that bridges the science and technology centered hard science fiction and “soft”, anthropological science fiction drawing from social sciences (Kennedy 2020). Anthropological understandings of culture have clearly informed Herbert’s descriptions of various groups of people. The Fremen, people living in extremely hostile conditions in the desert planet Arrakis, provide a fascinating example of the mutation in science fiction: the Fremen have adapted to the harsh environment and developed numerous innovations, including technical ones, that help them to survive in the middle of lethal sand storms and enormous creatures, sand worms, living underground and hunting anything that moves above them (image 2). Further, their belief systems and values have also been affected by the environmental conditions. For example, they are seeing the sandworms as physical representation of God. However, it is important to note that the modes of science fiction can also exists simultaneously, and in addition to drawing from (cultural) mutation, also Dune carries traces of, for example, extrapolation (feudal governing structure, family clans, militarism). Nevertheless, considering the aim here which is to reach towards more constructive views on future, the use of mutation in science fiction is probably the most fruitful one.

The next two notions can be explained more briefly but they are as central as the need to study the origins of design fiction, i.e. different modes and orientations of science fiction, in more detail. My second notion concerns the inspiration for alternative thinking models, worldviews, and consequently, experiences – where the creator or facilitator of anthropological design fiction should start? One option is to look at the enormous richness of the past or current human cultures which can offer alternative starting points, and turn many (western) conceptualizations that we take for granted upside down. For example, a variety of basic building blocks of our reality are understood differently among different societies: the classic anthropological examples include, for example, the concepts of family, property, ownership, or a more abstract concepts of privacy and agency (Ratner 2000). For example, widely held thoughts connected to animism, which refers giving agency to non-human world – plants, spirits, objects and animals – and communicating with them could offer alternative starting points (e.g. Rival 2012). This does not mean some particular cultural conceptualizations should be followed in detail but studying and recognizing the great variety of worldviews and perspectives found in human societies can help in finding alternative ways to think about futures.

The third point raises from the current trends of design fiction: The anthropological design fiction must be created through participation. As stated earlier, it has been argued in the field of design that design fiction needs to be participatory in order to democratize potential futures. If works of speculation are exhibited only in museums or scientific forums, they are accessible only for limited audience. If they are created only by groups having intellectual, political or economic power, they will reflect only their future hopes, fears and dreams. Participatory design has a long tradition and can surely offer approaches that work in conjunction with design fiction, as some authors have suggested (Candy & Kornet 2019; Lyckvi et al. 2018).

To end with an example of how the ideas presented above could be applied, I offer a quick look at the research project titled Digital Inequality in Smart Cities (DISC) that I currently lead at the Aalto University. The latter part of the project will focus on exploring “alternative smart cities’” by utilizing anthropological design fiction and participatory approach. The intention is to craft design fictions based on results of multi-stakeholder workshops held during previous phases of the project; therefore, they will be embedded in the lived reality of the city dwellers. The tentative plan is to hire professional writer(s) to create engaging and comprehensive “smart city fictions”, and film maker(s) to create short films. These products intend to reflect collaborative visions of alternative smart cities, and represent them in a form that is easy to comprehend and spread. In the final workshops held during the project these products will be presented to the study participants and feedback will be gathered. Further, the very last part of the project turns design fictions or parts of them into tangible creations: prototypes of alternative urban services, their parts or novel platforms will be designed in collaboration with interested workshop participants, the Cities, companies and engineering and design students. The aim is to find subversive approaches that can reverse the impact of smart city development: instead of being an agenda that increases (digital) inequality, the bold aim is to turn it into a vehicle for increasing digital equality and people’s technological agency.

Conclusions

We can conclude that science fiction, anthropology and design are by no means strangers to each other. Design and science fiction and on the other hand, also anthropology and science fiction have been mixed for different purposes for decades, and they have also been affecting each other in more subconscious and subtle ways. It must be mentioned that also design and anthropology have been interacting with each other for a long time, but discussing this further falls out of the scope of this brief article. However, the combinations of these three areas offer still plenty of space for theoretical and methodological investigation. Through carefully combining the strands of thought raising from different fields, we could develop approaches for envisioning more holistic socio-technical transformations.

I argue that in order to arrive into creative and effective combinations of the said areas we need interdisciplinary, deep knowledge of all the fields discussed. We need to consider science fiction as a genre speculating about change, anthropology as a field of intending to understand human societies and their change, and design as a field aiming towards change, which is necessarily always also cultural and social. This could enable developing interdisciplinary approaches that could assist in creating plausible alternatives for global agendas that are currently dominating our thinking and actions, and shaping our future.

Acknowledgements

Johanna Ylipulli would like to acknowledge grant n:o 332143 from the Academy of Finland for the project Digital Inequality in Smart Cities (DISC).

References

All links verified 13.12.2021

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